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Anti-Chinese sentiment or Sinophobia (from Late Latin Sinae "China" and Greek φόβος, phobos, "fear") is a sentiment against China, its people, overseas Chinese, or Chinese culture. It often targets Chinese minorities living outside of China and is complicated by the dilemma of immigration, development of national identity in neighbouring countries, disparity of wealth, fall of the past central tribute system and majority-minority relations. Its opposite is Sinophilia.
- 1 Region-based Sinophobia
- 1.1 East and Southeast Asia
- 1.2 Indonesia
- 1.3 South Asia
- 1.4 Pacific
- 1.5 Central Asia
- 1.6 Western world
- 1.7 Africa
- 2 Historical sinophobia-led violence
- 3 Derogatory terms
- 4 See also
- 5 References
- 6 Further reading
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East and Southeast Asia
Although Hong Kong returned to Chinese rule in 1997, Hong Kongers do not fully identify with China. According to a survey conducted by the University of Hong Kong in December 2014, 42.3% of Hong Kongers identify themselves as "Hong Kong citizens", versus 17.8% who identify themselves as "Chinese citizens", and 39.3% who choose a mixed identity of both. The number of Mainland Chinese visitors to Hong Kong have surged since the handover, reaching 28 million in 2011. The conspicuous consumption and rude behaviour of some mainlanders have upset many locals. In 2012, a group of Hong Kong residents published a newspaper advertisement depicting mainland visitors and immigrants as locusts. In February 2014, about 100 Hong Kongers harassed mainland tourists and shoppers during what they styled as an "anti-locust" protest in Kowloon. The protest caused a backlash and was widely condemned. In response, the Equal Opportunities Commission of Hong Kong proposed an extension of the territory's race-hate laws to cover mainlanders.
After World War II ended, the relationship between China and Japan gradually improved. However, since 2000, Japan has seen a gradual resurgence of anti-Chinese sentiments. Many Japanese believe that China is using the issue of the countries' checkered history, such as the Japanese history textbook controversies, many past war crimes committed by Japan's military, and official visits to the Yasukuni Shrine (at which a number of war criminals are interred), both as a diplomatic card and to make Japan a scapegoat in domestic politics. The Anti-Japanese Riots in Spring of 2005 also were a source of more anger towards China within the Japanese public. Anti-Chinese sentiments in Japan have been on a sharp rise since 2002. According to Pew Global Attitude Project (2008), unfavorable view of China was 84%, unfavorable view of Chinese people was 73%, the most Sinophobic perception from any other country in the world
Korea has a long history of both resistance against and subordination to the Chinese empire. Until the arrival of Western imperialism the 19th century, Korea had been part of the sinocentric East Asian regional order. In the early 2000s, a dispute over the history of Goguryo, which both South Korea and China claim as their own, caused tension between the two countries.
During the Three Kingdoms Period (57 BCE – 668 CE), the Goguryeo was attacked by many Chinese dynasties, including the Han, Wei, Yan, Sui, and Tang Dynasty. In the 7th century, the Baekje and Silla kingdoms were raided by the Chinese Tang Dynasty. This caused historical resentment between the two groups. In the 9th century, Chinese pirates and slave traders captured foreigners to sell as slaves in China. The Korean peninsula was a primary target because of its close proximity. As a result of this, Korean admiral Jang Bogo established the Cheonghaejin garrison, and Jang's force swept the Chinese pirates away from the western coast of Korea. During the early Ming period, China demanded tributes of rare animals, food, concubines and eunuchs as tribute from the Korean Joseon Dynasty.
In 1592, Japan invaded Korea and occupied many parts of the peninsula within months. The Korean court requested and received aid from China. Chinese soldiers were sometimes indistinguishable from Japanese enemies, and China took advantage of this to loot properties and kill Koreans. These actions gave more cause for anti-Chinese sentiment.
In 1931, while Korea was dominated by Imperial Japan, there was a dispute between Chinese and Korean farmers in Wanpaoshan, Manchuria. It was highly sensationalized in the Japanese and Korean press, and used as propaganda to increase anti-Chinese sentiment. It caused a series of anti-Chinese riots throughout Korea, starting in Incheon on July 3 and spreading rapidly to other cities. The Chinese think that 146 people were killed, 546 wounded, and a considerable number of properties were destroyed. The worst riot occurred in Pyongyang on July 5. In this effect, the Japanese had a considerable influence on sinophobia in Korea.
In the 1960s, South Korean laws directed against foreign property ownership, at a time when most foreign ownership was by ethnic Chinese, led to many Chinese emigrating from South Korea to Taiwan.
Anti-Chinese sentiments in South Korea have been on a steady rise since 2002. According to Pew Global Attitude Project, favorable view of China steadily declined from 66% in 2002 to 48% in 2008, while unfavorable view of China rose from 31% in 2002 to 49% in 2008. According to polls by East Asia Institute, positive view of China's influence declined from 48.6% in 2005 to 38% in 2009, while negative view of Chinese influence rose from 46.7% in 2005 to 50% in 2008.
The turning point of rising anti-Chinese sentiments was the Northeast Project, a controversial Chinese government research project claiming Goguryeo and other various Korean kingdoms, including Gojoseon, Buyeo and Balhae, to be Chinese local states and thus part of historical Chinese territory. The conflict erupted after the Chinese Foreign Ministry in April deleted references of the kingdom from the introduction of Korean history on its Web site and that deletion angered many Koreans. Beijing refused to accept Seoul's demand to restore on its Foreign Ministry Web site the part on Korean history including the ancient kingdom. Many historians and officials in Korea believed the row is at a critical stage in diplomatic relations, with Chinese defiance of Korean requests to reinstate acknowledgment of Goguryeo as a Korean kingdom being seen by Seoul as humiliating and threatening to unravel ties between the two neighbors. This sparked a massive uproar in South Korea when the project was widely publicized in 2004. Amid intensifying criticism against China from the Korean government and public, China dispatched its new Vice Foreign Minister Wu Dawei to Seoul with the Beijing's promise not to distort the Goguryeo history in its textbooks.
During the Seoul leg of the 2008 Olympic torch relay, over 6,000 Chinese students clashed with protesters. Chinese demonstrators clashed with local activists who rallied to protest the torch relay, citing Beijing's discouraging treatment of North Korea defectors and the regime's crackdown on Tibetans' rioting for independence. With the result of these violence clashes in central Seoul, anti-Chinese sentiments in Korea aroused great indignation toward the Chinese people. The Ministry of Justice of South Korea indicated that it would punish all such demonstrators, regardless of nationality. The Government of South Korea is toughening visa regulations for Chinese students.
To counteract the city state's low birthrate, Singapore's government has been offering financial incentives and a liberal visa policy to attract immigrants. The policy has nearly doubled Singapore's population since 1990. Many of the newcomers are from China, although about half are from Southeast Asia. The immigrants are blamed for competing with the native-born Singaporeans for jobs and housing.
Due to a thousand years of Chinese occupation and recent territory disputes in the Paracel and Spratly Islands, there are strong anti-Chinese sentiments among the Vietnamese population. While the current government tries to maintain friendly ties with the Chinese government, past regimes from the Tay Son (18th century) to the Republic of Vietnam (20th century) had punitive measures against the Chinese communities. These ranged from outright massacres to restrictive exclusionary laws and forced assimilation. The Socialist Republic of Vietnam however toes the policy to crack down on anti-Chinese demonstrations and criticisms regarding China. Anti-Chinese sentiments however had spiked in 2007 after China formed an administration in the disputed islands, in 2009 when the Vietnamese government allowed the Chinese aluminium manufacturer Chinalco the rights to mine for bauxite in the Central Highlands, and when Vietnamese fishermen were detained by Chinese security forces while seeking refuge in the disputed territories. In 2011, following a spat in which a Chinese Marine Surveillance ship damaged a Vietnamese geologic survey ship off the coast of Vietnam, some Vietnamese travel agencies boycotted Chinese destinations or refused to serve customers with Chinese citizenship. Hundreds of people protested in front of the Chinese embassy in Hanoi and the Chinese consulate in Ho Chi Minh City against Chinese naval operations in the South China Sea before being dispersed by the police. In May 2014, mass anti-Chinese protests against China moving an oil platform into disputed waters escalated into riots in which many Chinese factories and workers were targeted.
The Sino-Vietnamese War resulted in the discrimination and consequent emigration of the country's ethnic Chinese, many of whom fled as "boat people". From 1978 to 1979, some 450,000 ethnic Chinese left Vietnam by boat (mainly former South Vietnam citizens fleeing the Vietcong) as refugees or were expelled across the land border with China.
According to journalist Daniel Groos, Sinophobia is omnipresent in modern Vietnam, where "from school kids to government officials, China-bashing is very much in vogue." According to Groos a majority of Vietnamese resent the import and usage of Chinese products, considering them distinctly low status.
Laos, Burma and Thailand
In Laos, and Burma, anti-Chinese sentiment is frequently associated with Chinese businesses that are perceived to be responsible for destroying or 'stealing' the country's natural resources, or who are responsible for the relocation of citizens from their homes to make way for companies seeking to use the land.
Thailand was generally considered to be Sinophilic. However, in the 1950s, upon learning of an ethnic Chinese Communist plot to overthrow the government, several restrictions were placed on Chinese and their intra-community assembling.
In Cambodia, during the late 1960s an estimated 425,000 ethnic Chinese lived in Cambodia. By 1984, as a result of the Khmer Rouge genocide and emigration, only about 61,400 Chinese remained in the country.
The hatred for Chinese was projected on the ethnic Chinese of Cambodia during 80s. A Vietnamese report had noted "In general, the attitude of young people and intellectuals is that they hate Cambodian-Chinese."
The Spanish introduced the first anti-Chinese laws in the Philippines. The Spanish massacred or expelled Chinese several times from Manila, and the Chinese responded by fleeing to the Sulu Sultanate and supporting the Moro Muslims in their war against the Spanish. The Chinese supplied the Moros with weapons and joined them in fighting the Spanish directly during the Spanish–Moro conflict.
The standoff in Spratly Islands and Scarborough Shoal between China and the Philippines contributes to anti-China sentiment among Filipinos. Campaigns to boycott Chinese products began in 2012. People protested in front of the Chinese Embassy.
Another reason is the hatred of products made from China. In 2008, The Bureau of Food and Drugs (BFAD) imposed the ban amid growing fears over the safety of dairy products made in China where four children have died and more than 50,000 have fallen ill after drinking milk tainted with the industrial chemical melamine. Toys and dolls made in China has been found with lead content dangerous to children. Beauty products for females also have been found to have mercury and lead in them which can cause ailments like skin cancer.
The Dutch introduced anti-Chinese laws in the Dutch East Indies. The Dutch colonialists started the first massacre of Chinese in the 1740 Batavia massacre. Tens of thousands were killed. The Chinese and Javanese responded to the massacre by rising up in rebellion against the Dutch in the Java War (1741–43).
The asymmetrical economic position between Chinese Indonesians and other Indonesians has incited anti-Chinese sentiment among the poorer majorities. During the Indonesian killings of 1965–66, in which more than 500,000 people died (mostly non-Chinese Indonesians), ethnic Chinese were killed and their properties looted and burned as a result of anti-Chinese racism on the excuse that Dipa "Amat" Aidit had brought the PKI closer to China. In the May 1998 riots of Indonesia following the fall of President Suharto, many ethnic Chinese were targeted by Indonesian rioters, resulting in a large number of rapes and looting. However, most of the deaths suffered when Chinese owned supermarkets were targeted for looting were not Chinese, but the Indonesian looters themselves, who were burnt to death by the hundreds when a fire broke out.
Charles A. Coppel pointed out that westerners had a motive for deliberately portraying the violence in the May 1998 riots of Indonesia as anti-Chinese and claiming it was based on Indonesian hatred to Chinese, and that the western media also deliberately misplayed the earlier 1965 massacres as anti-Chinese when in fact it was anti-communist because the western media did not want to admit the political anti-communist nature of the killings in its Cold War context.
In the 1965 massacres the majority of people slaughtered were not Chinese but were in fact Balinese and Javanese who both were killed in higher absolute numbers and in a higher proportion than Chinese to the effect that while hundreds of thousands of non-Chinese Indonesians were killed while only a few thousand Chinese were killed, and the slaughters were political killings aimed not at Chinese but at eliminating Communists, however, the media and even academia has nearly completely twisted the image of the 1965 slaughters into false image of a massive anti Chinese pogrom where it is falsely claimed that hundreds of thousands or millions of Chinese died.
The Volunteer Team for Humanity noted non-Chinese looters made up the majority of those who were killed in the fires which were set in the Chinese owned stores and Coppel noted that like the 1965 killings, the reports of "genocidal" intent towards Chinese were incorrect and massively distorted by the false image of the riots spreading around.
Charles A. Coppel pointed out the hypocrisy of people trying to separate all the other violence in Indonesia and zoom in on specific anti-Chinese violence noting that the same people did not speak about the sexual assaults on East Timorese women and Acehnese women and that some of the violence against Chinese may not have been motivated by ethnicity but religion and class, like attacks on Chinese Christian Churches due to religion and attacks on Chinese employers due to working conditions and were not motivated by race.
The majority of anti-Chinese violence in previous riots also involved only Indonesians looting Chinese shops and property without killing the Chinese themselves. Most Indonesians did not want to drive out Chinese or murder them, but they falsely believed that Chinese an infinite supply of products so when they looted and stole from Chinese shops, they thought that the stops would be open again in the future.
Many graphic photos of other riots happening in Indonesia such as the Maluku sectarian conflict in Ambon, killings of Islamic clerics and suspected witches in Banyuwangi, massacres of Madurese Muslims in Kalimantan at the hands of Dayaks and Malays during the Sambas riots and Sampit conflict, 2000 Walisongo school massacre in Sulawesi were mislabeled as Chinese victims from the May 1998 riots and circulated around the Chinese internet.
Many false pictures of alleged Chinese rape victims were circulated on the internet. Overseas Chinese led a internet based campaign with some fake photos and testimonies of the rapes to raise awareness about the riots.
Some Chinese Indonesians were furious at overseas Chinese websites spreading fake rape photos, warning that it was causing hatred and division against ethnic Chinese in Indonesia. Many Islamic Indonesians reacted angrily at an alleged rape testimony allegedly by a girl under the name "Vivi" which claimed that the rapists allegedly shouted "Allahu Akbar" which was falsely portraying the riot as a religious issue. The "Beijing Review" warned of a "backlash" against Chinese because of the fake rape photos.
During the Sino-Indian War, the Chinese faced anti-national sentiment unleashed by the Indian National Congress-dominated government. Chinese businesses were investigated for links to the Chinese government and many people of Chinese origin were interned in prisons in North India. The Indian government passed the Defence of India Act in December 1962, permitting the "apprehension and detention in custody of any person [suspected] of being of hostile origin." The broad language of the act allowed for the arrest of any person simply for having a Chinese surname, a drop of Chinese blood, or a Chinese spouse. The Indian government incarcerated thousands of Chinese-Indians in an internment camp in Deoli, Rajasthan, where they were held for years without trial. The last internees were not released until 1967. Thousands more Chinese-Indians were forcibly deported or coerced to leave India. Nearly all internees had their properties sold off or looted. Even after their release, the Chinese Indians faced many restrictions in their freedom. They could not travel freely until the mid-1990s.
In 2000, Tongan noble Tu'ivakano of Nukunuku banned Chinese stores from his Nukunuku District in Tonga. This followed complaints from other shopkeepers regarding competition from local Chinese. In 2001, Tonga's Chinese community (a population of about three or four thousand people) was hit by a wave racist assaults. The Tongan government did not renew the work permits of more than 600 Chinese storekeepers, and has admitted the decision was in response to “widespread anger at the growing presence of the storekeepers”.
In 2006, Honiara's Chinatown suffered damage when it was looted and burned by rioters following a contested election. Ethnic Chinese businessmen were falsely blamed for bribing members of the Solomon Islands' Parliament. The government of Taiwan was the one that supported the then current government of the Soloman Islands. The Chinese businessmen were mainly small traders from mainland China and had no interest in local politics.
Mongolians traditionally hold very unfavorable views of China. The common stereotype is that China is trying to undermine Mongolian sovereignty in order to eventually make it part of China (the Republic of China has claimed Mongolia as part of its territory, see Outer Mongolia ). Fear and hatred of erliiz (literally, double seeds), a derogatory term for people of mixed Han Chinese and Mongol ethnicity, is a common phenomena in Mongolian politics. Erliiz are seen as a Chinese plot of "genetic pollution" to chip away at Mongolian sovereignty, and allegations of Chinese ancestry are used as a political weapon in election campaigns - though not always with success. Several Neo-Nazi groups opposing foreign influence, especially China's, are present within Mongolia.
In Russia’s Siberia and the Russian Far East, there formerly was a long-standing dispute over territory, which was resolved in 2004. Russia and China officially no longer have territorial disputes and China does not claim land in Russia, however, there is also a perceived fear of a demographic takeover by Chinese immigrants in sparsely populated Russian areas.
Like China's perception in other countries, China's large population, long history and size has been the subject of fear somewhat. China has figured in the Western imagination in a number of different ways as being a very large civilization existing for many centuries with a very large population; however the rise of the People's Republic of China after the Chinese Civil War has dramatically changed the perception of China from a relatively positive light to negative because of the fear of communism in the West, and repeated public accusations against China of human rights abuses.
Sinophobia became more common as China was becoming a major source of immigrants for the west (including the American West). Numerous Chinese immigrants to North America were attracted by wages offered by large railway companies in the late 19th century as the companies built the transcontinental railroads.
Sinophobic policies (such as the Chinese Exclusion Act, the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923, anti-Chinese zoning laws and restrictive covenants, the policies of Richard Seddon, and the White Australia policy) and pronouncements on the "yellow peril" were in evidence as late as the mid-20th century in the Australia, United States, Canada, and New Zealand.
The Chinese population was active in political and social life in Australia. Community leaders protested against discriminatory legislation and attitudes, and despite the passing of the Immigration Restriction Act in 1901, Chinese communities around Australia participated in parades and celebrations of Australia's Federation and the visit of the Duke and Duchess of York.
Although the Chinese communities in Australia were generally peaceful and industrious, resentment flared up against them because of their different customs and traditions. In the mid-19th century, terms such as "dirty, disease ridden, [and] insect-like" were used in Australia and New Zealand to describe the Chinese.
A poll tax was passed in Victoria in 1855 to restrict Chinese immigration. New South Wales, Queensland, and Western Australia followed suit. Such legislation did not distinguish between naturalised, British citizens, Australian-born and Chinese-born individuals. The tax in Victoria and New South Wales was repealed in the 1860s, but by the 1880s there was another wave of anti-Chinese sentiment. Despite a steady decline in the number of Chinese residents in Australia, the numbers of Chinese and Chinese-Australians in the more visible Chinatowns of Melbourne and Sydney were growing. In 1887, two Chinese Commissioners, the first statesmen from China to visit Australia, arrived to assess the living conditions of Chinese in Australia after numerous requests from Chinese living abroad. In 1888, following protests and strike actions, an inter-colonial conference agreed to reinstate and increase the severity of restrictions on Chinese immigration. This provided the basis for the 1901 Immigration Restriction Act and the seed for the White Australia Policy, which although relaxed over time, was not fully abandoned until the early 1970s. This claim requires a citation.
Number of cases have been reported, related to Sinophobia in the country. Recently, on February 2013, a Chinese football team had reported about the abuses and racism they suffered on Australia Day.
In the 1850s, sizable numbers of Chinese immigrants came to British Columbia seeking gold; the region was known to them as Gold Mountain. Starting in 1858, Chinese "coolies" were brought to Canada to work in the mines and on the Canadian Pacific Railway. However, they were denied by law the rights of citizenship, including the right to vote, and in the 1880s, "head taxes" were implemented to curtail immigration from China. In 1907, a riot in Vancouver targeted Chinese and Japanese-owned businesses. In 1923, the federal government passed the Chinese Immigration Act, commonly known as the Exclusion Act, prohibiting further Chinese immigration except under "special circumstances". The Exclusion Act was repealed in 1947, the same year in which Chinese Canadians were given the right to vote. Restrictions would continue to exist on immigration from Asia until 1967, when all racial restrictions on immigration to Canada were repealed, and Canada adopted the current points based immigration system. On June 22, 2006, Prime Minister Stephen Harper offered an apology and compensation only for the head tax once paid by Chinese immigrants. Survivors or their spouses were paid approximately CAD$20,000 in compensation.
Starting with the California Gold Rush in the late 19th century, the United States—particularly the West Coast states—imported large numbers of Chinese migrant laborers. Early Chinese immigrant worked as gold miners, and later on subsequent large labor projects, such as the building of the First Transcontinental Railroad. The decline of the Qing Dynasty in China caused many Chinese to emigrate overseas in search of a more stable life, and this coincided with the rapid growth of American industry. The Chinese were considered by employers as "reliable" workers who would continue working, without complaint, even under destitute conditions.
Chinese migrant workers encountered considerable prejudice in the United States, especially by the people who occupied the lower layers in white society, because Chinese "coolies" were used as a scapegoat for depressed wage levels by politicians and labor leaders. Cases of physical assaults on the Chinese include the Chinese massacre of 1871 in Los Angeles and the murder of Vincent Chin. The 1909 murder of Elsie Sigel in New York, of which a Chinese person was suspected, was blamed on the Chinese in general and led to physical violence. "The murder of Elsie Sigel immediately grabbed the front pages of newspapers, which portrayed Chinese men as dangerous to "innocent" and "virtuous" young white women. This murder led to a surge in the harassment of Chinese in communities across the United States."
Italian-Americans and Irish-Americans, who had once been subject to similar prejudice themselves, were often involved in such assaults, believing that their condition had been worsened by the influx of Chinese laborers.
The emerging American trade unions, under such leaders as Samuel Gompers, also took an outspoken anti-Chinese position, regarding Chinese laborers as competitors to white laborers. Only with the emergence of the international trade union, IWW, did trade unionists start to accept Chinese workers as part of the American working-class.
In the 1870s and 1880s various legal discriminatory measures were taken against the Chinese. These laws, in particular the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, were aimed at restricting further immigration from China. although the laws were later repealed by the Chinese Exclusion Repeal Act of 1943. In particular, even in his lone dissent against Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), then-Supreme Court Justice John Marshall Harlan wrote of the Chinese as: "a race so different from our own that we do not permit those belonging to it to become citizens of the United States. Persons belonging to it are, with few exceptions, absolutely excluded from our country. I allude to the Chinese race."
In the United States elections, 2010, a significant number of negative advertisements from both major political parties focused on a candidates' alleged support for free trade with China which were criticized by Jeff Yang for promoting anti-Chinese xenophobia. Some of the stock images that accompanied ominous voiceovers about China were actually of Chinatown, San Francisco. These advertisements included one produced by Citizens Against Government Waste called "Chinese Professor," which portrays a 2030 conquest of the West by China and an ad by Congressman Zack Space attacking his opponent for supporting free trade agreements like NAFTA, which the ad claimed causes jobs to be outsourced to China.
According to a recent Pew Research Center survey of six African countries, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, and Uganda had higher disapproval towards China compared to previous years while they had higher positive view for the United States.
Ghanaians have alleged Chinese miners of illegally seizing jobs, polluting community water supplies, and disturbing agricultural production through their work.
A sixteen-year-old illegal Chinese miner was shot in 2012, while trying to escape arrest. After this incident, the Chinese miners needed to arm themselves.
Multiple presidential candidate Michael Sata has often invoked harsh rhetoric against the Chinese commercial presence in Africa's largest copper producing country. Though he failed to win elections thrice, he won the 2011 election. Despite toning down his rhetoric, the investment climate for Zambia was read as uncertain.[original research?]
Historical sinophobia-led violence
- Chinese massacre of 1871
- Rock Springs massacre
- Issaquah riot of 1885
- Tacoma riot of 1885
- Seattle riot of 1886
- Anti-Chinese violence in Washington
Dutch East Indies
By Japanese in WW2
There are a variety of derogatory terms referring to China and Chinese people. Many of these terms are viewed as racist. However, these terms do not necessarily refer to the Chinese ethnicity as a whole; they can also refer to specific policies, or specific time periods in history.
- Ah Tiong – refers specifically to Chinese nationals, and never to overseas Chinese. Primarily used in Singapore to differentiate between the local Oriental population and Chinese nationals. From the Hokkien '阿中', 中 referring to the PRC's Chinese name. Considered offensive.
- Cheena – same usage as 'Ah Tiong' in Singapore.
- Chinaman – the term Chinaman is noted as offensive by modern dictionaries, dictionaries of slurs and euphemisms, and guidelines for racial harassment.
- Ching chong – English language to mock people of Chinese ancestry, or other Asians who may look Chinese.
- Chink – racial slur referring mainly to a person of Chinese ethnicity but sometimes generalized to refer to any person of East Asian descent.
- Chinky – the name "chinky" is the adjectival form of chink and, like chink, is an ethnic slur for Chinese and other Asian people.
- Chonky – refers to a person of Chinese heritage with white attributes whether being a personality aspect or physical aspect.
In Filipino (Tagalog)
- Intsik – is used to refer to refer people of Chinese ancestry including Chinese Filipinos. The originally neutral term recently gained negative connonotation with the increasing preference of Chinese Filipinos not to be referred to as instik. The term originally came from in chiek, a Hokkien term referring to one's uncle. The term has variations, which may be more offensive in tone such as intsik beho and may used in a deregatory phrase, intsik beho tulo laway ("old Chinaman with drooling saliva").
- Singkit – literally "slant eyes". It is used to refer to anyone of East Asian ancestry, mainly the Chinese.
- Tsekwa (sometimes spelled chekwa) – is a slang term used by the Filipinos to refer Chinese people.
- Chinetoque (m/f) – derogatory term referring to Asian people.
- Dojin (土人 dojin?) - literally "earth people", referring either neutrally to local folk or derogatorily to indigenous peoples and savages, used towards the end of the 19th century and early 20th century by Japanese colonials, being a sarcastic remark regarding backwardsness.
- Tokuajin (特亞人 tokuajin?) - literally "particular Asian people", derogatory term used against Koreans and Chinese.
- Shina (支那 (シナ) shina) – Japanese reading of the Chinese character compound "支那" (Zhina in Mandarin Chinese), originally a Chinese transcription of an Indic name for China that entered East Asia with the spread of Buddhism. Its effect when a Japanese person uses it to refer to a Chinese person is considered by some people to be similar to the American connotation of the word "negro", a word that has harmless etymologies but has gained derogative connotations due to historical context, where the phrase shinajin (支那人?, lit. "Shina person") was used refer to Chinese.
- Chankoro (チャンコロ chankoro?) - derogatory term originating from a corruption of the Taiwanese Hokkien pronunciation of 清國奴 Chheng-kok-lô͘, used to refer to any "chinaman", with a meaning of "Qing dynasty's slave".
- Jjangkkae (Hangul: 짱깨) – literally "Chinese bastard/dog"; derogatory term referring to Chinese people.
- Seom jjangkkae (Hangul: 섬짱깨) – literally "island jjangkkae" ("island Chinese bastard"), it referring to Taiwanese people.
- Jjangkkolla (Hangul: 짱꼴라) – this term has originated from Japanese term chankoro (淸國奴?, lit. "slave of Qing Manchurian"). Later, it became a derogatory term that indicates people in China.
- Jung-gong (Hangul: 중공; hanja: 中共) – literally "Chinese communist", it is generally used to refer to Chinese communists and nationalists, since the Korean War (1950–1953).
- Orangkae (Hangul: 오랑캐) – literally "Barbarian", derogatory term used against Han Chinese, Mongolian and Manchus.
- Doenom (Hangul: 되놈) – derogatory term referring to Chinese people. Originally, this term has meant "Manchus". Later, however, it indicates to the people lived in China, especially Han Chinese people.
- Ttaenom (Hangul: 때놈) – literally "dirty bastard", it means some unwashed Chinese people.
- Tàu – literally "boat". It is used to refer to Chinese people in general, can be constructed as derogatory. This usage is derived from the fact that many Chinese refugees came to Vietnam in boats during the Qing dynasty.
- Khựa – neologism, derogatory term for Chinese people.
- Wong choong (Chinese: 蝗蟲; Cantonese: wong choong) – literally "locust"; neologism used to refer to mainlanders who visit Hong Kong in large numbers.
In Taiwanese Hokkien
- Yellow Peril
- Fu Manchu
- Ming the Merciless
- Li Shoon
- Boycott Chinese products
- . The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Online Edition. Retrieved 2012-07-12.
- "BBC World Service poll" (PDF). BBC. 3 June 2014.
- "HKU POP releases latest survey on Hong Kong people’s ethnic identity". Hong Kong University. 22 December 2014. Retrieved 14 January 2015.
- Juliana Liu (8 February 2012). "Surge in anti-China sentiment in Hong Kong". BBC. Retrieved 4 October 2013.
- Buddle, Cliff (26 February 2014). "Anti-mainlander protest a reminder of the limits of free speech". South China Morning Post. Retrieved 27 February 2014.
- Matthew Forney, "Why China Loves to Hate Japan". Time Magazine, December 10, 2005. http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1139759,00.html, accessed 1 June 2008
- 24-Nation Pew Global Attitudes Survey(2008) 35p, Pew Research
- Gries, Peter Hays. "The Koguryo Controversy, National Identity, and Sino-Korean relations Today" (PDF). p. 9.
- Kang Man-gil (2002). Doubts about the Korean History. Seohae Munjip. p. 14. ISBN 89-7483-165-1.
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- 장보고 (in Korean). Naver/Doosan Encyclopedia.
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- Frederick W. Mote, Denis Twitchett, John King Fairbank. The Cambridge history of China: The Ming dynasty, 1368-1644, Part 2,, p. 298–299, at Google Books
- "Imjin War and Ming Chinese army", Han Myeong-gi, The library of National Assembly of Korea
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- Kim, Kwang-ok (2004), "Chinese in Korea", in Ember, Melvin; Ember, Carol R.; Skoggard, Ian A., Encyclopedia of diasporas: immigrant and refugee cultures around the world, Springer, pp. 688–697, ISBN 978-0-306-48321-9
- World Public Opinion surveys, 2002-2008 www.worldpublicopinion.org
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